In the 20th century royal Mande families were gradually replaced by
merchant families at the top of the social hierarchy (Johnson &
Sissoho 1986), and it was increasingly the latter to whom the griots
directed their praise songs. The increasing urbanisation of
Mande populations had caused a shift in the patron/client
relationship. With the increase in urbanisation new authority figures
were in place in new cities who were placed there by the colonial
regime. As a result the griots migrated to the urban areas following
where the power lay and inevitably their source of income.
Hence, as the griots struggled to earn an income, their role as
praise-singers grew more dominant and their reliance on new
benefactors more entrenched. Praise songs to their new hosts became
not only a routine part of their performance, but one from which they
earned a significant amount of income. Broad knowledge of the
historical repertoires receded, and griots, rather than aligning
themselves to one particular family, became dependant on the
generosity of a network of benefactors, hosts, and patrons. Griots
grew increasingly reliant on performances at occasions such as naming
days and weddings, where singing the praises of those present earned
the musician additional income.
As the griots attached themselves to the emerging merchant classes,
solicitation, which was rarely exercised out of necessity, became more
commonplace. This eventually led to a situation
where griots came to be regarded by many West Africans as nothing more
than panderers to “wealthy snobs”, an opinion
that is still widely held today. The interdependent relationship
between griot and noble, a bond which had existed for several
centuries, was altered under colonial rule, and the role of the
hereditary musician in Mande society was transformed.
Ambivalent attitudes towards griots were strengthened by the
actions of some musicians who were active in the service of the
colonial authorities. The French
exploited the griots’ knowledge and obtained confidential information
on Mande leaders. There was an incident during World War II when
the British colonial government in The Gambia employed several griots as
propagandists. Concerned that Gambians were sympathizing with the
Vichy government in France, the griots were instructed by the British
to say derogatory things
about the French while praising the British. Such incidents were not
common, however, for many griots were actively anti-colonial in their
stance, and they were often employed by opposition groups to promote
the objectives of independence and self-rule.
Africa soon after the imposition of colonial rule. The independence
movement gathered force in the era between the two World Wars, spurred
by demands for greater political freedom. Opposition groups began to
appear in many of France’s colonies in West Africa. In 1946 the
Rassemblement Démocratique Africain (RDA) was formed in Bamako from
this grass roots movement. It grew quickly to become the dominant
opposition bloc in the region, with well organised sub-branches in the
capital cities and rural centres. In order to promote the aims of the
party griots were employed. At election rallies they presented
candidates to the public, exhorting their deeds and the party platform
while denigrating their opponents and the opposition groups. In
recognition of their contribution President Houphouet-Boigny of Côte
d'Ivoire awarded medals to griots for services rendered during RDA
election campaigns.
The alignment of griots with political parties can
be viewed as simply an extension of their traditional role vis à vis
the Mande nobility and ruling classes. However, their alignment in
contemporary politics attracted criticism from the public,
particularly in the independence era.
They were able to change voting patterns even up to the eve of an
election because of the griots’ influence. They were involved in all
levels and gave their services to the highest bidder.
In search of a livelihood griots had found patrons among the
rivals for political office. Though their role as praise singer to the
political élite was a centuries old custom, the public were less than
enthused with griots who offered their services to what appeared to be
the highest bidder. That griots were able to respond to the new
political situation indicates that their tradition was able to adapt
itself to the conditions imposed upon it. Their response, however,
attracted disapproval from sections of the public. The griots’ role as
"praise singer" during this era merits close
scrutiny, for it is this aspect of their artistry which remains the
most contentious.
Griots have always attracted a certain notoriety. In
1778, for example, a French colonial administrator wrote that "the grillots
[sic] are liked and despised by people just like in Europe". Similarly, from one of the
first written accounts of griots in 1635 we find that if "a Frenchman
wants to anger a black he calls him a guirot [sic]" (Saint-Lô, cited
in Hale 1998: 85). It could be argued that colonial policy
fomented anti-griot sentiment, by destabilising and weakening the rule
of the Mande nobility and undermining the role of the royal courts.
This policy forced griots to seek new patrons, a void that was filled
by the merchant class and by the state. The transformation of the
griots’ role contributed to a dramatic decline in their status.
Raymond Mauny, writing in the 1950's referred to them as
parasites. The author’s
use of the word "parasite", however, bears scrutiny. A pejorative
term, seemingly borne out of colonial ignorance and prejudice, it
suggests, however, that the prevalence of praise-singing had
contributed to the griot being perceived as greedy opportunists, mere
flatterers, or importuners to the wealthy élite. One of Mali’s most
revered authors, Massa Makan Diabaté, who was born of the griot
caste,
supported this assertion. Towards the end of his life the author grew
increasingly despondent and critical of the state of jeliya in his own
country.
Keita’s harsh description of the exchanging of gifts for praise
singing compounds widely held attitudes in West Africa which view the
role of the griot in a critical and negative manner. Old musicians
comment that "there is no more jeliya, only begging", and some regard them as little better than sycophants. These are
largely modern conceptions, whose bases lie in the colonial policies
which transformed the griots role in contemporary West African
society. In particular, they allude to the propensity of
praise-singing that, to many, now characterizes jeliya.
The common thread which binds criticisms of griots concerns the
nature of exchange for their performance. The ritual of gift-giving
from a patron to a griot for a performance should not be viewed simply as a payment
for a griot’s services but as the fulfilment of an obligation or the
cementing of an ancient historical interdependence. Increasingly,
however, griots are regarded as performing praise for a patron purely
for the purpose of soliciting payment, and their perceived greed in
this matter is bitterly held. In this context it is useful to examine
typical payments for a griot’s services.
Typically, musicians earn from $20-$40 for a wedding or naming
ceremony. Renowned griots, however, can receive much more – several
hundred dollars, the equivalent of a year’s wage, for a single day’s
performance. During a concert, whether on stage or in a patron’s
compound, audience members will queue to give money to the griots,
usually to the singer, who can be so overwhelmed with banknotes that
they litter the floor. Wealthy patrons have been known to give gifts
of bars of gold, expensive clothing, airline tickets to Mecca,
automobiles, houses, and even jet planes. For those families who are not wealthy,
however, there is the burden of giving the griot an adequate amount
for a recitation and celebration of their family’s lineage, or face
the risk of underpaying the musician. A small payment may result in
the griot being offended and the patron’s reputation sullied. On
impromptu occasions where griots arrive at a noble household
unannounced yet singing praises, an insufficient gift (or none at all)
could result in certain derogatory inferences being inserted into the
praise song. A griot might include in their praise songs, for example,
a reference to a particular ancestor as being “not the son of his
father”, thus implying that the family was not of noble blood.
Those that can afford a generous gift, however, can achieve the status
of patron, and the griot will then recite their name and deeds
whenever they give a performance. Through such public exposure an
individual may receive a high degree of social prominence and esteem.
The social status of griots faces further challenges through the
influx of griots to urban areas. The rural exodus is a major problem
throughout West Africa, and it has caused a major shift in the ways in
which the musicians practice their craft. Competition between griots
is fierce, yet it has also altered the ways in which griots travel to
their patrons.
The impact of colonialism on West African culture was of such
magnitude that it transformed the griots’ role and continued to shape
it well into the post-colonial era. Factors such as urban migration,
loss of patronage and poverty have all affected the griots’ art to
varying degrees. In the poorest region in the world, Eyre (2000: 21)
notes that "few families can afford their own griot today, and the
entire tradition has either changed with the times or died, depending
on whom you ask.
Under colonial rule griots adapted in order to survive, yet as a result of
criticisms over the changing nature of jeliya many young griots are
being alienated from their profession and no longer identify with it.
Some of the epic narratives are sliding into obscurity, and if it were
not for a concerted effort in the 1960s by governments and individuals
to record some of the last griots of their generation, then the scope
of their epic narrative tradition would have been lost.
Griots
 Part
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